ANTAL LINHARDT

Page 1

From Tapiosuly to Archangelska

The Story of a Punishment Brigade

In the near future, the People’s Court of Judge Racz will pass judgment on the case of Zoltan Laucsek, a Hungarian Arrowcross Party (Nazi) provocateur. Laucsek denounced 126 men, so they were called up to the punishment labor-service brigade in Tapiosuly.

April 23, 1942 will remain an enduring memory for many of our comrades. 197 men, from seasoned veterans of the labor movement to young, barely-18-year-old children were called into service on this day to Tapiosuly, most of them never to return. The entire city was whispering about this brigade. Everybody knew they were the “destructive elements of the society.”

This group of people was already predestined for death. Everyone knew it, but no one could stop it.

“Not a Single One of Them is to Come Back Alive”

In the spring of 1942, one of the department heads of the Defense Ministry, Brigadier General Nagyoszi gave a list of names to Lieutenant Colonel Lipot Muray: ‘We have to call in these commie Jew bastards*, not a single one of them is to come back alive.”

That is how it started. After that, Muray even added some names to the list. He picked up people from here and from there to fill the quota for two companies. Among those summoned many wondered why they received the draft notice from Nagykata Center instead of their normal military units. They received a standard military order; there was nothing special about it. Forced-Labor service? They couldn’t even imagine it. It was unthinkable, that they would call in Christians for forced-labor service. They traveled to Tapiosuly without suspicion. When they got there, everything became clear.

Cries of Pain in the Night

The soldiers of the security guards (Keret) were already waiting for the “criminals”. They had received special training in Nagykata. They were told they had to guard convicts and should treat them accordingly. One-legged Muray, terror of the entire camp, with his despicable cohort, Cadet Sergeant Arpad Molnar, “disciplined” the haggard company with cane in hand. From the very beginning, they separated 19 men, Soma Braun, Antal Linhardt, Istvan Kossa and some others for special “exercises”. At nights, the cries of pain of these 19 men made the forest of Tapiosuly shudder. One day, two lieutenants from counterintelligence, Tamas Rozsa and Amico Del, arrived at the camp on the order of Muray to give the 19 men expert treatment.

* The company was filled with both ordinary Jews and Christian political prisoners, including anti-Nazi communists and socialists.

Page 2

When dismissal orders* arrived, the lieutenant colonel (Muray) was too tired to reach for them in his desk drawer. He wouldn’t even look at the discharge papers for the security guards. “We will have time to look at them, when we arrive in the Ukraine.**

401 and 402 Special Punishment Labor-Service Brigades

On May 3^rd, the 401 and 402 Penal Labor-Service Brigades were ready to be transported. Muray then called up all the men and in a formal speech explained their fate and his aim: “You are the poisonous teeth of the society. We have to pull you out, lest you cause even bigger trouble. We are going to decorate the roadside trees with your bodies.”

Then the loading of the boxcars started. Fifty to seventy men (were loaded) into a single wagon. The padlocks clanking, the keys clattering, (the train) started to move toward Russia.

In Russia, they were sent from one place to another. Nobody wanted to know about them. Finally, they were ordered to go to Vorozsba. When they arrived, a lieutenant colonel of the military police had them pile up their few remaining unconfiscated valuables and canned foods, which he considered as surplus.

During a partisan*** attack, most of the company’s supplies were lost. Captain Verboczy, Lieutenant Jakus and Corporal Pancel traveled to Budapest, to the Ministry of Defense, to ask for the replacement of the brigade’s lost supplies. The first question the authorizing lieutenant colonel (asked) was: How many labor-service men have died to date?

- None.

- Then beat it. You are not getting anything from here.

So, they returned to the brigade with nothing.

Terrible Atrocities

Meanwhile Jozsef Tiszarovics took over the command, and the time for cruel and terrible treatment had started. The command of the brigade was turned over to Sergeant Peter Rotyits and Corporal Sandor Szivos, so they were able to live up to their sadistic urges. Often they called labor-service men for “night work”. Later only the guards would return alone, bringing back the valuables of the guarded men, which they divided evenly between themselves. Soma Braun was taken away to “night work” this way.

It was Cadet Sergeant Rudolf Sponer‘s responsibility to feed the brigade, if it could be called “feeding”. When Captain Frigyes Verboczy, the only humane person among hyenas, returned, he saw in desperation the men reduced to skin and bones.

As it turned out later, Sponer needed to enrich his family’s household situation in Budapest (by stealing the supplies). During this time 58 men received dinner prepared with 100 liters of water, 2 kilograms of beans and 2 tenths of a gram of butter, while the guards enjoyed 5-course meals.

* Efforts to get the men freed resulted in discharge for 19 men, which arrived just before they were

transported from Tapiosuly. Muray refused to acknowledge the orders.

** At that time Ukraine was a part of USSR i.e. Soviet Russia.

*** Patriotic Russians fighting against the Germans and their allies.

Page 3

Picking Up Land Mines

At midsummer an order came from Central Command calling for the guards to appear in person.

The commander, Colonel Hajnal, told the guards: “So long, as a single labor-service man lives, you can’t go home.”

The labor-service men had to “help” pick up land mines at Archangelszka. The graves of many of our comrades are in the meadows over there. To deprive them of rest at night, they had to build observation stations and dig trenches very close to the Front in the dark of the winter night. This area was full of land mines, which they also had to pick up. They had to pick up the mines by hand without any previous training. When returning (to the camp), they had to march in a single line holding each other’s hands. This way, an overlooked mine would kill the whole group.

In the meantime, Captain Verboczy left the brigade due to illness. The next day they executed one man, the following day 45 persons died. The murders were daily occurrences.

Finally, out of the 197 men only 22 survived. When the Red Army made its big offensive at Voronyezs*, the brigade disintegrated. Everybody who could ran off. Only the graves showed any sign that men had once been there.

Crime and Punishment

Those responsible could not remain hidden for long. Rotyits and Sivos were the first sentenced to death by the Hungarian People’s Court. In the chilly January of 1945, the wind was swinging their hanged bodies at the Octogon (a well-known plaza in Budapest). Muray was captured accidentally in Buda. He also received his well-deserved punishment: he was hanged. The brutal Lieutenant Csikvari paid for his crimes with death. Corporal Istvan Nemeth was sentenced to life in prison. Tiszarovics was arrested from his birthplace and recently started 15 years of hard labor based upon his judgment in absentia. Sponer was taken away from his workplace in the Lang Factory to the gallows.

Many of them received their just punishments, but there are some still at large without having been punished for their crimes. We are certain sooner or later the others won’t be able to avoid the punishment they deserve.

Written by Eva Linhardt

* The battle of Voronyezs, where the 2^nd Hungarian Army was crushed by the Red Army, was the Axis’s first major defeat. This was a turning point of WWII, comparable to the Normandy Invasion.

Page 1

HE WAS A DIRECTOR OF THE NEPSZAVA (Hungarian progressive newspaper)

In Memoriam of Antal Linhardt

It is possible that we will never find out exactly when, where and in what circumstances Antal Linhardt, dedicated Socialdemocrata Party organizer and the late Director of the circulation department of NEPSZAVA, died. Maybe around 1943-1944 he died at the bend of the Don (River), like so many thousands of labor-service men, but this is only speculation based upon indirect sources. His 86-year-old widow, who left Hungary with her daughter at the beginning of 1957, returned to visit home from USA at the end of August to try to find out what happened to her husband. It was her secondary objective to clear the good name and honor of her husband and herself, since both of them were persecuted, ostracized and stigmatized without a phony trial or even trumped up charges because of their membership in the Socialdemokrata Party.

It is our duty to commemorate Antal Linhardt’s life story, since, for many years, he was the head of the circulation department of NEPSZAVA; in that position he made great strides forward in the distribution of NEPSZAVA to all areas of the country, so more people could buy and read this newspaper even in distant rural towns.

Little information is available about his younger years. He was born in 1894, he learned the printer trade, and he joined the labor movement when he was still only an apprentice. After he graduated as a master printer, he worked as a foreman in his trade. As a union representative, he protected the interests of his fellow workers. After the collapse of the Soviet Republic (of Hungary in 1919), he reorganized the Kispest branch of the Socialdemocrata Party and was its secretary for many years. He was elected as a councilman of the City of Kispest for the first time in 1922.

Between the two World Wars he was a representative at each of the Socialdemocrata Party congresses and often he initiated important decisions. One of his main interests was small town politics. He regularly urged the leadership and the Party’s Parliament Caucus to spend more time and energy in the struggle for democratic reforms in government politics, and the organization of sociopolitical studies on small towns, because workers rights suffered constant attacks in small town life. He stated: the democratization of Hungary could only be effectively achieved through proper local politics.

From the mid-thirties, Antal Linhardt increasingly accepted more important mandates and functions in the Socialdemocrata Labor Movement. From the beginning of 1934, he organized the rural distribution of NEPSZAVA and held meetings for the rural support and circulation of this newspaper in over 30 small towns. He sent survey questionnaires to more than 500 small towns where NEPSZAVA was unknown. Based upon the responses, he made a detailed report and proposal to the party leaders.

Page 2

Among other things, he proposed distributing the NEPSZAVA is in the early morning hours, at the same time that other cheap newspapers were distributed in the rural areas, devoting at least 2 pages of the paper to local news and articles on the countryside, and finding a way to stop the persecution and molestation of NEPSZAVA by authorities, especially in the rural areas.

In September 1935, during the XXX^th Congress of the Hungarian Socialdemocrata Party (MSZDP), he was elected as one of 70 committee members working out the party platform of the MSZDP. At this party meeting, Arpad Szakasits suggested the creation of a separate national committee to increase the NEPSZAVA’s circulation. Linhardt was also elected to be a member of this committee. In early 1936, during the Party reorganization, they divided the Budapest area into three separate branches corresponding to the voting districts. Linhardt became the leader of the Southern District. After one year, as a result of his success and his organizational abilities, he was appointed to be the secretary of a new district, covering ten areas between the Danube and Tisza rivers. Within a year he had visited the secretarial chapters in 40 towns and villages; he continued his organizational work until 1938.

In the early 1938, Antal Linhardt won the election in Kispest and became city councilman. At the same time he became the member of the elected governing body of Pest-Pilis-Solt-Kiskun counties. In the 1939 parliamentary election, Antal Lihardt was the MSZDP candidate for the northern section of Pest County, but lost against the Hungarian Nazi and governing parties’ candidates.

At the beginning of 1940, he became the director of the circulation department of NEPSZAVA. In that position he submitted a plan for the reorganization of the NEPSZAVA Committee to the party leaders in Budapest at their meeting of February 9, 1940.

In early 1942 the cabinet of Prime Minister Kallay started a big campaign against the organizers of the antifascist independence struggle, and the tide of arrests reached NEPSZAVA too. The report about this, which was submitted to the party leaders on the XXXII^th MSZDP Congress at December of 1942, states: “This spring a terrible thing occurred. The military drafted to a forced-labor camp at Tapiosuly a large number of our comrades, including Antal Linhardt, director of the circulation department of NEPSZAVA; Soma Braun, education secretary of the party; Sandor Herzka and Istvan Kossa, members of the education committee; and many party and labor union members and representatives, especially members of the Ironworkers’ Union.” The report states, even though Karoly Peyer (member of the Parliament) and Arpad Szakasits (Chief Editor of the NEPSZAVA) did everything possible for them, “they could not free the unlawfully and unjustly seized comrades, who were taken to two punishment brigades at the Eastern Front. We don’t know anything certain about their fate. Now we definitely know this campaign was the first step of a planned and phased general attack against the labor movement.”

Antal Linhardt was taken to the special punishment labor brigade on April 25, 1942. In her testimony at the Office of the Police of Budapest on February 27, 1945, Mrs. Antal Linhardt stated, “Karoly Peyer, member of the Parliament, at that time one of the most influential leader of the MSZDP, told me that my husband’s discharge was taken care of and he was not going to be taken to the Front.” In spite of the written discharge order for 19 men, Lieutenant Colonel Muray gave an order on May 3^rd to immediately load up all labor-service men into boxcars, and so all of them were taken off to the Front.

Page 3

According to ex-labor-service man Janos Klingler, Antal Lihardt was a member of that group, which – per Muray’s list – was not to return from the Ukraine.

As a witness at the trial of the People’s Court in April of 1945 in the case of Muray and his cohorts, Istvan Kossa stated that out of approximately 200 labor-service men of the #401 brigade, barely 30 survived. According to him the security soldiers (keret guards) executed 124 labor–service men, 32 became POWs, and the rest starved to death or received fatal wounds while picking up land mines.

In his memoirs “From Danube to Don,” Kossa mentions Antal Linhardt at several places. According to him, by the fall of 1942 Linhardt was already in very bad condition. “He could not keep his temper any more. His nerves gave out.” Due to the inhumane treatment and starvation his health deteriorated so much, that in December he was taken to a field hospital at the Front. “Linhardt’s entire body was completely covered with sores and puss. He was barely conscious and didn’t even know what was happening to him.” This is how Istvan Kossa, who, with a few of his comrades, successfully escaped to the other side, to the Soviet troops, remembers him. This happened in January of 1943, when the Soviet Army started its major attack against the 2^nd Hungarian Army. However, according to him, Linhardt wasn’t among the Hungarian prisoners of war.

In spite of this, even today Linhardt’s widow isn’t certain that her husband died at the bend of the Don River, because she heard many indirect and unconfirmed stories about him being alive in the Soviet Union. She even entertains the possibility that the Soviets executed him as a “traitor of the working class”.

At the present time it is impossible to confirm these stories. One thing is sure, Antal Linhardt’s wife received his last military post-card from him in January of 1943; from then on there was no sign that he was still alive. Nevertheless, afterwards Mrs. Linhardt heard vague rumors from unknown sources about her husband’s supposed activity in the Soviet Union.

It is a fact, in 1946 Antal Linhardt was declared dead and a martyr of the labor movement, and the Hungarian Governing Cabinet ordered a special annuity for his family. This annuity was terminated in 1950 with an excuse, - as the widow states – “Antal Linhardt does not merit the support of his family by the Fatherland.” Consequently, Antal Linhardt’s widow and two children were continuously exposed to various persecution and humiliation, so after the 1956 Revolution they emigrated from Hungary.

On February 2, 1947, a black granite memorial plaque was mounted on the wall of the headquarters building of NEPSZAVA at 4 Conti Street, on which the names of 29 martyrs (working for the NEPSZAVA) were engraved. One of these names was Antal Linhardt. The February 4^th edition of the NEPSZAVA writes about them: “socialism united them in life, now the appreciation of socialists unites them in our memories, with the deep respect that they deserve.”

(This memorial plaque was removed in 1950.)

Whenever and however Antal Linhardt died, he as well as the other workers of the NEPSZAVA, deserve remembrance and respect, as those who - in the words of the late editor Istvan Szava – “took risks and sacrificed themselves for the progress and better future of mankind.”

Written by Sandor Fazekas

Page 243

Nevertheless the Hermans (family name) did not set up their tent anymore, but among themselves also built a small hut using green twigs.

- Roll call!

What, Again? What’s going to happen?

We, the kitchen crew, are not going to roll call. That has became the custom.

Roll call for everybody! Kitchen crew, tool crew, even the horse tenders too.

The old Juda Silberpfennig, who just became a “horse tender”, in his great confusion, brought a pitchfork with him.

- Old Christians step forward!

Our number was small: Jozsef Onodi, streetcar conductor; Janos Udvardy, lathe mechanic; Karoly Prath, lathe mechanic; Gyula Pirok, streetcar conductor; Antal Linhardt, director of the NEPSZAVA (VOICE of the PEOPLE, daily newspaper); Istvan Kossa, streetcar supervisor; Pal Lindauer and Janos Klingler, mechanics; Istvan Csik, rifle mechanic; Sandor Fernczy, lathe mechanic; Ferenc Olah, streetcar conductor; and Lajos Kovacs, blacksmith.

Gyuszi (Julius) Goldman also stepped forward. Until then I thought that he was Jewish.

All of us still had the armbands with the national tricolors, which we received in Tapiosuly (the small town where the 401 Labor-Brigade was formed). Right then they were more like filthy shreds of rags than armbands.

At the end of the brigade roll call, (came) a separate roll call for the Old-Christians!

This was for us.

Rotyits (the name of one of the most brutal guards), looked us over. He took Lajos Kovacs out of the line.

Page 250

We were building a stable for the horses. We slept under the sky. Many times the rain made us soaking wet. It would be good to make some sort of a cover for ourselves also. The two of us, Olah and I, started building a tent from branches with dense leaves. We covered its top with rye straws. It was more like a hut, than a tent. We could only crawl into it on all fours, but at least we wouldn’t get so wet. The guys were ridiculing us at the beginning. Later they also started making one for each pair of them.

During the day we built stables, during the night we dug trenches for the artillery observer (target spotter).

The observation station was on an overlooking hill, well within the open rifle range. We could only work on dark nights. We began work at around 11 PM. By 2 AM we already had to give up the working, since the dawn was approaching. It took at least 2 hours of strenuous hiking from our regular position to the hilltop. We lay down (to sleep) early in the morning at 4 or 5 o’clock. At 9 o’clock we already had to go to work until 8 o’clock in the evening. Our rest period was only for grabbing a quick dinner or supper. Every day we spent 19 hours of laboring or hiking. Still it was better, than at the brigade. Here we were getting standard military meals, we the “chosen”, we the “Old-Christians”.

There was no scourging, we didn’t have to be frightened all the time, but there was an enormous amount of work.

Otherwise, we were fed up being “Old-Christians”. Some people carried that ragged armband with the national tricolors as if it were some sort of royal coat of arms even though it was more dirty gray, than the national tricolors. It was almost like they were showing off.

Onodi complained continuously about it.

That morning, while going to work, we met a captain. He addressed us.

Page 251

- Are you those Christian labor-service men?

- Yes Sir! – answered Udvardy.

- You see, this is a fine thing. You can serve our Fatherland this way also. You can fight against the Soviet Union this way too.

Meanwhile, Fazekas was grumbling on the side.

- God will help us, and you too. So, God be with you. Then he gave each of us a handshake.

What else could we do? We shook hands with him.

As soon the captain left and was a few meters away, Onodi started to harangue: “God damn it. I don’t want any special treatment!” With a single yank he tore off his armband. We all did it too. Only Linhardt did not want to get rid of his.

It’s not because… -he stuttered. They might hold us accountable. It is not good to rile them up against us.

Fazekas tore off Linhardt’s armband too with a single tug.

Pirok moved in front of Linhardt.

- Are you trying to say that you won’t voluntarily remove the armband, then… - he didn’t continue. Linhardt understood.

- Not at all, please – he was excusing himself.

In the evening Prath stood up.

- Since we got rid of the armbands, then the regalias on our cap should not distinguish us from the Jews either. Let’s get rid of them.

Suddenly pocketknives appeared and the cap-regalias were thrown into a pile of garbage at the front of the bunker.

However, this time Linhardt strongly protested.

- No! This is too much! There must be something that shows we are soldiers too.

Page 252

Joska Onodi was laughing hysterically with his mouth wide open. He did that very seldom.

- You? You a soldier? Then wear it in good health. For us, it will be just as well this way, the same as for the Jews.

Pirok and Prath argued for a while with Linhardt, who hid his military cap on his chest under his coat.

The next day we got a hold of Olah when he was returning from the (brigade) supply office. We sent a message to the people remaining at our regular station.

- Take off the yellow armbands, we already took off our tricolor armbands. (The yellow armband was mandatory for Jews.) The message also gave the news about the cutting off of the cap-regalias.

A few weeks later, when the entire brigade was together again, only Linhardt’s cap-regalia indicated that it topped the head of a Christian.

By August, the nights were already cool. We woke up stiff in the morning. We needed to have a warmer place to stay. We moved rye straw to lean on the side of our tent, strewed earth on the tent-top. We also pushed earth around the side. We jury-rigged a door, made of straw tied together. The other guys ridiculed us again. Then they built the same construction too. It took up much of the rest period. Nevertheless, we slowly completed the task. It was very timely, since the nights were getting cold enough to cause frostbite.

We received inoculations against typhus. It was unpleasant. They said, we were going to have high fevers. The inoculation did not get infected on any of us. At least, we were free from high fevers.

We were able to write home. Every week we received two military postcards. Considering the situation, we were satisfied. The erection of the stable has been completed. We also completed digging trenches. It was 2 kilometers long and 2 meters deep. An order was given that it had to be covered. For that, lumber was needed and a lot of it.

Page 253

In the front of the artillery position, in the middle of a valley, there was a small forest. On the side of it, there were two water-rich springs. The whole neighborhood came here regularly for water, they did their washing and bathing. The water of these springs flooded the forest. The trees stood in a half-meter (about 18 inches) high water pool. That is from where we had to get the lumber. The required quota was 10 trees per person per day. Cutting was relatively easy. However, the hauling out was difficult. It took six or eight of us each time to carry one trunk to the edge of the road. Once there, we also had to saw the trunks into two-meter (about 6 feet) long boards.

Then, at nights, we had to carry them one by one to the observation station. We made this trip two or three times a night. Even without this load it was difficult to climb up the hill. In spite of it, we preferred it as long as we didn’t have to go back to the brigade.

Nevertheless, this work was not without danger. They were shooting at the hill continuously from the Russian side. They were looking for the artillery observer.

A little later, after we were transferred to the artillery unit, the observer was shot. He was a student from the Military Academy. He received a big funeral with much pomp.

At night, reconnaissance airplanes searched for the observer. “Stalin Candles” burst above our heads with blinding illumination. We got used to them too. We even liked them, because at those times, we were forbidden to make the slightest movements. We hid at the bottom of a freshly dug trench. Around us the bombs shook the ground, but we could steal one or two half-hours of heavenly sleep.

Whenever the bombing stopped and the “Stalin Candles” burnt out, we just kept on sleeping. At those times Kerekes would wake us by shaking us.

Of course, not everyone’s nerves could stand it.

Page 254

Whenever the airplanes came, Linhardt fidgeted nervously. He couldn’t even stand the noise of the planes. Whenever the skies were lit up above us and the bombs were falling, he was whimpering loudly and withering almost unconsciously at the bottom of the trench. Udvardy was praying to God. Onodi was complaining that they (the bombs) kept him from sleeping.

August 19, 1942. Today we could not work, we couldn’t even dig the smallest hole. Planes were flying circles above us the whole night long. The entire hill was in flames. We were afraid that the huge rye field covering most of the hill would also catch fire. The overripe rye was dry and made the sound of crumpling paper.

Everywhere around us there was endless shooting. North of us was Voronyezs. Hundreds of spotlights were scanning for airplanes. Sometimes, a spotlight would find one plane or another. At such times, the anti-aircraft guns were vomiting fire at them. From each gun a virtual stripe of light ran up to the sky towards the planes circling in the light.

- Did you know tomorrow is King Stephan’s day? (Saint Stephan was the first Hungarian King) – one of us asked.

So that’s why they organized this celebration. They didn’t want us to miss the fireworks from Gellerthegy (a prominent hill in Budapest, from where the annual August 20^th yearly fireworks is held).

This was more beautiful. More horrible. This was life or death. Burning airplanes were falling down. The flames of burning houses were rising up. This could not be orchestrated. This was reality. This was war.

August 20, 1942. Before noon we were lumbering trees from the swamp. At dinner, there was much whispering around us. Surprisingly, that afternoon they gave us a rest period, rest for the artillery soldiers…

Page 276

Janos Toth was a light cavalierly (hussar) corporal from some place in the Lowland. He was a handsome young man with much vitality. He didn’t look like as a murderer, his face was more girlish than wild.

For now, it was only a mysterious name for us that represented death: the deaths of our comrades, the deaths of our best friends.

The officers’ quarters were not completed yet. We were attaching rafters to the side, when one day, when we were breaking for dinner, the lieutenant came to us.

- Men, I am sorry, they are going to take you away again. You have to go back to brigade today.

Dinner didn’t taste good for any of us anymore. We couldn’t come up with a clever plan.

We should ask the lieutenant, not to let us go – suggested one of us.

- It won’t work. If he received a direct order, he must obey. They don’t disregard a direct order.

Nevertheless, we have to try.

Linhardt volunteered for it, and Stephan Csik too.

They went to see the lieutenant. We waited anxiously for their return.

- We have to go, – declared Linhardt – but he promised, he will try everything he can to bring us back. He has the right to use labor-service men. He doesn’t want Jews, he only wants Christians. There are no other Christian labor-service men, except us.

- Well, this is a pretty small consolation – we decided. We still had to go.

Page 290

Christian residence. We lived there, we “Old-Christians”. It was a building half in ruins. Only one room was in an acceptable condition. We entered and departed via a single plank board laid down in the collapsed basement.

Still, we had a roof over our heads. Quickly we settled down. It was easy. Everyone selected a sleeping area on the ground and at our head we put down our backpack or whatever we happened to have. This was our entire furnishing. We had just put some wooden boards over the damaged windows, when already had to go to roll call.

Tiszarovits, Sponer and Rotyits (Security Soldiers, guards) issued new arrangements. Three groups went to work.

Right after supper, we had to move.

Supper? Two tenths of a gram of marmalade. Nothing else. Anyone who still had a small piece of bread, spread the marmalade on it. Those who did not have any bread, were licking it off of their palm very slowly, so that it would last for a long time.

We “Old Christians” went to work in a separate group again. Up to the “Kretavar”(“Chalk Castle”, nickname for a military station). Janos Udvardy was appointed as foreman. He used to be the representative (of the Workers’ Union) of the Lang Factory and a huge strong man at the beginning of his service. Now he was as lean as a skeleton, with heart troubles. We could hardly endure the climb up the hill, Udvardy, because of his heart, and Imre Pasztor and I because of our feet. If the security soldier (keret) did not come with us to herd us, we were always lagging behind.

It was pitch dark, when we arrived at the base of the windmill, the headquarters of the 22nd Infantry Regiment. Everyone brought a spade or a pickaxe with them.

Linhardt was hiking at the lead.

- Halt! Who goes there? Password?

- Labor-service men.

Page 291

- Code Word?

- We don’t have any. – answered Linhardt.

- Halt! Stay put!

Just when we caught up with them, someone stepped out of the bunker built under the windmill. By the light coming from the ajar door, we saw him coming toward us.

- Better future! – Linhardt greeted him.

- Better future comrades! Who are you?

- I declare with humbleness, Christian labor-service men.

- Very Well. You may come. Are you really Christians?

Don’t you dare deceive me! What is your name? – he suddenly asked Linhardt.

- I declare with humbleness, Antal Linhardt.

- Linhardt? - our host raised his voice.

- So, you are The Linhardt? So, you are that director of the NEPSZAVA (“VOICE of the PEOPLE” a progressive newspaper)? No, for the God of your mother, here is your better future.

- All I could hear was the loud claps of slaps on his face and Linhardt’s groaning.

- Well, are you satisfied with your better future?

Linhardt didn’t answer.

- So are you satisfied with your future, yes or no?

Answer!

- I declare with humbleness, yes sir.

- That's the thing to say! – he answered maliciously.

We were trying to step aside; this welcome was too noisy for us.

After this we were taken quite far away. Our host also came with us. He was addressed as “First Lieutenant”.

Page 292

He marked the location of a (future) bunker, an area of approximately four meter by four meters.

- You will not be going back until you dig up this area. The depth shall be two meters. Understand?

- Yes sir!

- We started to work. We already knew this area. The pickaxe stuck in the sticky loamy ground. Neither pickaxe, nor spade could be used.

A cold and strong wind was blowing from he direction of the Don. We worked strenuously because we were cold. After a quarter of an hour, we were completely drenched from the sweat. We could not stop because if we did, our sweaty clothing would freeze on us.

Unfortunately, the nights now became long. The dawn came late. The beautiful and mostly short summer nights were over.

We were toiling until six o’clock in the morning without any breaks. We could only dig down sixty centimeters.

Returning, we walked by the base of the windmill again.

In the foggy gray dawn, on each of the four vanes of the windmill, swung a hanged man. Two soldiers and two civilians. One of the soldiers was a corporal. He hung from the lower vane. On the top was a civilian. Based on his clothing, he was a Russian. There was no coat on the other civilian. His gray pants were of a quilted Russian type. On his feet were short Russian boots.

Quickly, I turned may face away. I could not stand the terrible view. The hanged men on the two upper vanes were swinging in large arches in the wind.

In front of the windmill stood First Lieutenant Bruza. He welcomed us with an animalistic grin.

Page 293

At this time, Linhardt did not lead. He positioned himself in the middle of our group.

- Are you all communists? –Overlieutant Bruza put the question to us.

None of us answered.

- Didn’t you hear me?!!

- I declare with humbleness, we are members of the organized labor union, First Lieutenant sir. – spoke Onodi.

- Is Mister Director a member also?

All of us looked at Linhardt. He had to answer to this.

We could not answer for him.

He did not answer either. Instead, he backed up two steps. He backed up, because Bruza was heading straight toward him.

He stopped in front of Linhardt, who lifted his free hand to protect his face, trembling, waiting for the slaps.

Bruza did not hit him, but grabbed Linhardt’s ears with both hands, and he twisted and pulled them, as it was done by my teacher long ago.

- Well, “Mister Director”, how does it feel? Wouldn’t it be better to harangue at home? Well, my “Little Director”, are you going to write it up in the NEPSZAVA? Well, talk to me my little Director! Yes? No? So, answer, answer!

- No.. – groaned the shaking Linhardt.

- Nooo? Well. Of course not. We are going to guarantee that “no” – and then he hit Linhardt’s face again with two huge slaps. – Here is a small advance. You will get the rest later.

He sent us away. Returning downward Linhardt complained that we didn’t protect him.

Onodi was fed up.

Page 294

- How dare you complain to us? You, who greeted him with “better future”? Who asked you to do that? Since when is it customary among socialdemocrats to greet each other with “better future”? Did you want to be a good guy? Is that it? Did you want to score some good points? You dare to ask for protection? Why, except for you, all of us Christians cut off the cap-regalia so that they couldn’t distinguish us from the Jews. You alone carry the Horthy’s (Viceroy of Hungary) regalia on your cap.

- In reality, you only got what we should have given you as well.

We could hardly pacify Onodi. He quarreled with Linhardt the entire way back. Not without reason because Linhardt became more erratic day by day. He could no longer hold his temper. His nerves were shot. He threw a tantrum for a crumb of bread. He quarreled with everyone. Almost no one talked to him anymore. He walked around talking quietly to himself with wandering eyes, always looking for food, as if he were no longer sane.

While we were walking back, Rotyits came from the opposite direction with two wagons.

On the side of the hill there was a huge brown lentil plot. It should have been harvested long ago. Unreaped rye and millet still stood there.

Rotyits ordered us back. We had to load up the two wagons. We pulled out the lentil branches with our bare hands, with the roots still attached. The ripe seeds were crackling and making rustling noises. It was about noon when we finished loading up both wagons.

In the afternoon, uncle Kalla sent a message for me.

- Stephan, do you want to come back for kitchen duty?

Page 312

This is what we agreed upon while we were standing at the door of the E.R.(Emergency Room). We waited for Lang for days. His wound was minimal, we thought, they will send him back to us. Then days, weeks and months passed. He did not return.

He went home.

Again, dinner was distributed. As usual, Hussar Jancsi caused trouble in the kitchen. For some reason, Linhardt suddenly stepped into the kitchen.

When he noticed the hussar there, he backed out fearfully.

- Well, my old man, why are you so frightened

- he asked Linhardt.

Not even a single word could come out of his mouth.

- What is your name? – now he raised his voice.

- Antal Linhardt!

- Aha! The Linhardt? That’s you? Aha!

Linhardt was already gone. Then the hussar entered the office.

This is how it was, now he knew everyone.

While dinner was served, Linhardt’s cup was shaking in his hands so much that it had to be taken away from him so that I could ladle the food into it.

- Do you know anything? – he asked in a whisper.

- No. – I shook my head.

That day was one of those rare days when Hussar Jancsi did not come for the men.

At times like this, he only loaded himself up to the hilt with food, chatted with us for a while, and then went away.

In the evening, at the lodgings of the Christians, we argued. Linhardt hadn’t been able to rest since noon. I don’t wonder.

Page 313

Anyone who was picked out by Hussar Jancsi’s eyes and was remembered, that person engaged himself with Death.

This was what we were arguing about. What could be done?

Escape! – Onodi stopped the argument.

Escape? But how?

All around behind us were the German and Hungarian military. In front of us was the Don.

- It would be better, if we prepare for it – Onodi advised. Everyone should keep a little spare food because the first few days of being P.O.W. are difficult.

Then he talked for hours about his memories of being a captive and about how he fought for four years against the counterrevolutionaries as a soldier of the Red Army.

It was unusual for the old man to talk this much, but he warmed up to the telling of the tale. He was an equal participant of victories, defeats, of abundance and need. He returned home via European Russia, Siberia, Manchuria, China, Japan, Ceylon, Turkey and Romania.

- Uncle Jozsi, then you can speak Chinese too? – asked Karcsi Prath.

- Well, is there anything that uncle Jozsi does not know? – answered Imre Pasztor in lieu of Onodi.

The days that followed were for hoarding. After a few days everyone had at least a half loaf of military bread and two cans of canned fish. We prepared to go over to the Russians. However, we did not talk about it any more.

We decided on the last questionable item. Should we escape all together, or should some of us go alone, whoever could; taking the chances that they would kill one out of ten of the remaining people after the escape.

Page 332

- One of our comrades shot a Jew. – they were saying.

- Damn his Jewish mother! Imagine! He knocked down this comrade with his spade. Well, then they let him have it. They beat him to death, as if he were a dog. Even though he fought back with his spade.

This Lazar-happening rose our anxiety again. We almost thought that the executions were over.

Hussar Jancsi hardly ever visited us any more, even though it was no longer necessary to use bullets. Our group was dying without them anyway. Each night, there weren’t even ten men strong enough to be able to work. There was hardly any vitality left in any of us.

Once at noon, - this was before Fazekas got wounded – there was a big argument at the living quarters of the security soldiers (keret). We could not figure out what it was about. But all afternoon, one or another security guard looked at us oddly.

In the evening, a special group of guards came from First Lieutenant Bruza - who beat up Linhardt –, to pick up five men. They called them for work by name. Only Christians.

They called five men: Antal Linhardt, Jozsef Onodi, Gyula Pirok, Imre Pasztor and Ferenc Fazekas.

We did not think that anything was wrong. For Bruza, only Christians were allowed to work. It was not good enough for him, if a trench or a bunker was made by Jews.

The guys came back at dawn before reveille. During this part of the season the dawn did not come early. Onodi threw down his pickaxe in anger.

- Well, we got over it, boys!

- What? What did you get over? – we asked them half asleep. They looked at each other. We could see them hesitate whether or not they should tell.

They told.

Page 333

They were taken out to the Front line. There, by accident, they met one of Fazekas’s close relatives, whom we already knew, and who was serving at the 22nd Regiment. They were helping us a lot through Fazekas.

- What is it, Feri? You are here? How come they did not bring Jews? They said they brought Jews. – asked Fazekas.

- Aren’t we good enough? – asked the boys.

- Well, not for the reason that we waited for the Jews.

We learned very quickly why they expected Jews. They wanted to slaughter them here.

A relative of Fazekas ran to Bruza. He begged him not to have us executed. Sir First Lieutenant was drunk as a skunk, as usual. He didn’t understand what it was all about. Previously others were trying to talk him into letting the group return.

He was searching for Linhardt. They denied him being there. He did not recognize him in the dark.

After a long talk, he finally let it go, but he was trying to find an excuse.

- It wasn’t I who had them brought here, but Lieutenant Colonel Haynal. Only he can let them go. At this time he can not be bothered on the telephone. An order is an order! It must be obeyed.

Then, in spite of everything, he used the phone.

It appeared that Haynal would not budge, because Bruze slammed down the headset.

The relative of Fazekas would not let it go. He called up the Lieutenant Colonel on the telephone himself. He begged for the life of the boys.

- But Lieutenant Colonel sir, they are all Christians.

- But they are communists!

- I know them well; all of them are excellent workers.

Page 334

- and he brought up a legion of reasons until finally Haynal gave in.

Onodi and his group avoided death.

Partly they told us the story, partly the relative of Fazekas, whom we met again a few days later, told us what happened in Bruza’s bunker.

On this morning little Hegedus, whose father was beaten up at the station of Tapiosuly, died.

He had diarrhea for weeks. He was nothing but skin and bones. He was in the worst condition of all of the other skeleton-like men. Only his two, big, black, desperately begging eyes were alive.

We had to bury him. The ground was frozen down to half meter (about 18 inches). We didn’t have enough strength to dig a proper grave for him. We just scraped a shallow hole large enough for his body in front of our dwelling. We put large pieces of earth on top of him and a lot of snow. If we survived until the spring, then we would burry him somewhere else. If not, it was O.K. as it was. We had to be very frugal with our strength.

Page 178

I definitely remember that situation when the high command ordered the discharge of two mentally ill men in the labor brigade. The Psychiatric Sanatorium of Lipotmezo declared them dangerous to society and to themselves in an affidavit sent to the high command. For four months, Muray didn’t respond to the written order, and then in his delinquent report he stated he couldn’t do it any more, because they were already transported to the Front. To the best of my knowledge, Muray had both of them tortured. One of them died when he jumped out of a train, thinking that he was diving into deep water. I have no knowledge of the circumstances of the death of the other man. His parents came to my office and told me about his death.

In answer to your questions, I knew Dr.Herceg, Muray’s physician, and Second Lieutenant Molnar, Muray’s aide, only by seeing them from a distance. I can’t say anything pertinent about them.

I have nothing else to tell you. This is an accurate record of my statement.

This was signed after rereading and recorded at 1:45 PM.

Aranka Balazs s.k Jozsef Falusi, witness s.k.

Dr. Akos Luib s.k.

Asst. District Attorney

Original typed 1 page copy. – Bm. Archive; V-129 605. Nb.99/45.

----------

(22)

1942 Mach 25 – May 3

(March 21, 1945)

e) This is a court record of Janos Klingler’s confession incriminating Lipot Muray at the office of the District Attorney of Budapest.

Office of the District Attorney of Budapest

Nu. 1/1945.sz.

COURT RECORD

Made in the office of the District Attorney on March 21, 1945 at 10:45AM pertaining to the confession incriminating Lieutenant Colonel Muray and his cohorts. Present are:

Page 179

Dr. Akos Luib, Assistant District Attorney

Aranke Balazs, Court Recorder

Janos Klingler, witness (Bacsalmas, 1905, mother’s name: Maria Szommer, married, lathe mechanic, Kispest, Tulipan u. 70 sz.) after being read his rights, he stated the following:

I moved into the #401 Labor Brigade at Tapiosuly. Upon our arrival, Second Lieutenant Molnar immediately confiscated everyone’s cigarettes, cigarette cases and lighters. On top of this, he beat up one person, who only wanted to light a last cigarette. I saw Lieutenant Colonel Muray only once before May 3. At that time he gave a speech saying we were all going to the Ukraine and from there would be no hope of return. Late on the night of May 2, after 10 PM, 12 of us were taken to Muray’s room. Among us were Sandor Rosenfeld, Gyorgy Waldman, Jeno Szekulesz, Vilmos Sugar, N. Kantor and a few others, whose names I don’t remember. They stood us in front of three counterintelligence officers. They started to interrogate us: when did we sing the Marseilles or the Internacionale, when did we hold our political lectures, and who among us organized the literature nights? As a post note, I want to mention, as soon as we entered the room, we were instructed that any member of the labor union, party or MTE had to raise his hand. Eleven of us did. Since we did not answer their questions, they beat us and gave us a pounding until 4 o’clock in the morning. They let us go with the parting words that tomorrow they would tie all of us up on the gallows. This punishment did not take place, because on May 3 they loaded us up into boxcars and sent us on our way. I have nothing more to say about Colonel Muray.

To my knowledge, they kept 18 men in a separate building even at Tapiosuly, and these men received special treatment. We learnt that these men would not return from the Ukraine since they were on separate, specially-selected list compiled by Muray. Among them were Dr. Braun, Janos Udvardy and Antal Linhardt. I don’t remember the names of the others.

I swear, Lieutenant Tiszarovics and later Cadet Sergeant Sponer were involved in the so-called “take out” orders, which was a euphemism for execution; since as group commanders, together with Rotyits and Sponer, they sent away the men for execution. On one occasion, Sponer read to us a written order from the Central Command – we considered the authenticity of this order extremely doubtful. It said that the labor-service men’s breakfast was not necessary, if they were hungry they should go grazing. Many times it happened that we did

Page 180

not receive any food for 36 hours. During September he urged us to write home for clothing packages. Every member of the brigade did it, but only three of us received one package each. In my opinion, the rest of the packages were stolen by Sponer and his friends, and distributed among themselves. Finally I state, I was the orderly for 5 days to Rotyits, Szivos and Reichart; I witnessed them bringing back the (personal) properties of the “take out”-order men and distributing the loot among themselves.

I have nothing else that I wish to say, my testament has been accurately reported.

This was signed after re-reading and recorded at 11:20 AM.

Janos Klingler

Aranka Balazs Dr. Luib

Court Recorder Asst. District Atty.

Original 2 page type-written proof with thw hand-written signatures of Klingler, Luib and Balazs.- Bm. Archive; V-129 605. Nb. 99/45.

----------

(22)

1943 April 12 – 1943 January

(1945 January 28)

f) This is a deposition report of the interrogation of murder suspect Sandor Szivos, security soldier (guard –Keret), at the Political Department of the Budapest Police.

INTERROGATION REPORT

This is an interrogation report of the confession of suspect Sandor Szivos on January 28, 1945, 3:00 PM, pertaining to the murder case against Rudolf Sponer and his cohorts. Present are:

The director of the Political Department of the Hungarian Police of Budapest

Mrs. Jozsef Domonkos, Official Recorder.

Sandor Szivos, suspect.

Page 181

Sandor Szivos, born February 10, 1893, in Jaszbereny, married, father of two children, cabinetmaker journeyman, lives at Nagyatadi, Szabo u. 24. The suspect declares, after his alleged crime was explained to him: - I am innocent.

I was called in to Nagykata on April 12, 1942. From there, after a few days of indoctrination in Budapest, we were transferred to the 401 Special Labor Brigade in Tapiosuly. We were told, this was a brigade for felons. Although I participated in the labor movement, I didn’t find any familiar face in the brigade. I recognized later that some people were there for political reason. Chief Master Sergeant Peter Rotyits was given full authority from brigade-commander Captain Dudas to run the brigade. Rotyits treated very cruelly, not only the labor-service men, but even us, the guards. When he was drunk – most of the times Sponer got him drunk – he slapped the faces of the guards too. He treated the labor-service men with unbelievable brutality. Hardly anybody in the brigade escaped the bloody beating of his lash. Even passing-by officers of the fighting troops were disgusted, seeing how cruelly Rotyits beat the labor-service men.

When we were attached to the #22 infantry regiment, Colonel Haynal demanded from the brigade commander the list of 20 men, made up by Lieutenant Colonel Muray. These men were supposed to be executed during transport on Muray’s order. This list somehow disappeared, but Cadet Sergeant Sponer with Rotyits fabricated a new list. Previously, Sponer told to Cadet Verboci about Colonel Haynal’s order, but Veboczi refused to participate in the creation of this kind of a list. He declared that only a mad man could state that a piece of paper, which was issued months ago and presently nonexistent, could be reproduced. After Rotyits and Sponer manufactured a list of names of 20 men, when they sent it to Colonel Haynal. He than ordered these 20 men to appear before him in groups of four or five, and had them shot, using the special hussar group of the regiment. This fact was told to all of the guard by Hussar Corporal Janos Toth. After the execution of these 20 men, on Haynal’s request, Sponer and Rotyits put together another execution list. I know for certain that Rotyits contributed to this list. Janos Toth killed the marked men at the Front, and from him I learnt, Istvan Reichuord shot to death three men. I stayed with the brigade until September 20, 1942, when they transferred me to someplace else. In answering your question, that in one occasion, Rotyits and Toth took 11 men to the kolhoz…………..

Page 186

In regard to your question I declare that I overheard from the crew of guards as they talked among each other, that nobody was to come back alive from this labor brigade, of which I was also a member.

I can not tell anything more. I hereby undersign that my confession is accurately recorded.

This was recorded at 8:45 AM.

Mihaly Toth

Sari Somlo Dr. Szabo

Court Recorder District Attorney

Original typed 2 page court record with the handwritten signatures of Toth, Szabo and Somlo. –Bm Archive; V-129 505. Nb 99/45

--------------

(22)

April 25 – May 3, 1942

(February 27, 1945)

i) This is the incriminating testimony of Mrs. Antal Linhardt at the Police Headquarter of Budapest, pertaining the criminal case against Lipot Muray and his cohorts.

Royal Hungarian Police Headquarter

District

COURT RECORD

Recorded at the Royal Hungarian Police Headquarter

District

On February 27, 1945, based on the complaint of Mrs. Antal Linhardt, born in 1903 in Nagyvarad, religion: Unitarian, housewife, residing in Kispest {XIX Distict, Nagy Sandor St. 22).

The undersigners were present:

The above listed person narrates her complaint as follows:

My husband, Antal Linhardt was called in on April 25, 1942, to Tapiosuly with a standard military draft notice. My husband, who was (regarded as) a Christian, went in thinking that he was drafted for (normal) military service, not for a forced-labor brigade.

Page 187

Daily I visited my husband, who let me know, they treated him very cruelly as if he were a felon. He begged me to take steps to free him from this hell as soon, as possible. I did everything he asked to get back his freedom. Karoly Peyer, Representative of the Parliament told me, that the situation for him and 18 other men was taken care of, and that these 19 men would not go with the labor brigade. On May 1, 1942, Captain Dudas, commander of the brigade, told my husband, that the release paper for 19 men had arrived, that it was laying in the drawer of Lieutenant Colonel Muray’s desk, and we have to do something, so he would release the people listed on that paper. On May 2, my husband let me know that on May 3 they would load them up in box-cars to take them out to the Front, so we should better act quickly to get those papers enforced. I talked with leading members of the Socialdemocrata Party, they said Muray wouldn’t dare send these 19 men to the Front, so I should relax. Early on the morning of May 3, I was in Tapiosuly, where the loading of the boxcars was already in progress. At that time I could not talk with my husband. However, I talked with Captain Dudas, who said, he asked Muray to take action in the release of the 19 men. To this Muray answered, he could postpone the opening of those orders, until after the train was already on the way. It was clear, this was the way he intended to get rid of these men for good. As a last resort I called on Lieutenant Colonel Muray, who was chatting with a major at the railroad station. There I addressed him and I said I knew he had the release order in his desk drawer, but it seemed to me, he hadn’t yet have time yet to open it. All of a sudden he appeared very nervous and he said, turning toward the major who was much taller than he was, he received no such release whatsoever; anyways he should have gotten the release in writing. To that I answered that the release order was issued in writing. Then, showing annoyance, he sent me to the far-away camp, saying that he granted permission for a 2 hour visit with my husband. When I returned to the camp, they would not let me in. I learnt later, as soon as he sent me back to the distant settlement, he immediately gave the order to load up the poor men of the labor brigade into the boxcars, and send the wagons far away from the station.

Page 188

Lieutenant Colonel Muray sent to death the representatives of the organized labor this way. I have had no news from my husband since.

I have nothing else to say. The above is the truth, which I affirm with my signature.

Court Recorder Mrs. Antal Linhardt

Iren Kalman

2 pages of typewritten proof with the hand-written signatures of Mrs. Antal Linhardt and Iren Kalman – Bm. Archive; V-129 605. Nb. 99/45.

-------------

(22)

April 25 – 1943 June 25, 1942

(March 21, 1945)

k) This is an incriminating testimony of Gyorgy Takacs at the offices of the District Attorney of Budapest about the case of Lipot Muray.

Office of the District Attorney of Budapest

NU. 1/1945. sz.

COURT RECORD

Recorded on March 21 at 10 AM in the Office of the District Attorney of Budapest, pertaining to the criminal case against Lieutenant Colonel Muray and his cohorts. Present were:

Dr. Akos Luib, Asst. District Attorney

Aranka Balazs, Court Reporter

Gyorgy Takacs, witness (1922 Ujpest, father’s name: Sandor, mother’s name: Sarolta Jelinek, unmarried, detective of the Government Police; Budapest XIII Petnehazy-u 20/b), after being sworn in, he stated the following:

My father, Sandor Takacs, was drafted for service on April 25, 1942, to the #401 Special Labor Brigade in Tapiosuly. Since my father was a decorated captain in the First World War and, in consideration of his decorations, he received exemption (from the treatment of a Jew, i.e. forced labor), he asked Muray several times to acknowledge his exempt status. Between April 25 and May 3, I visited my father several times but I could hardly talk with him, because the military police would not let

Page 189

me get close to the camp. When on April 30 I was finally able to talk with my father, I gave him the official papers for his exemption and his decorations. Then my father confronted Muray, who just happened to be there, declared that he was no longer a member of the labor brigade and gave him the documents. Muray then took the papers and said: “you won’t need these papers in your burial hole (covered) in lye”. I was a witness of this incident. He sent my father to the front on May 3. On June 25 of the same year he was transferred to another brigade, from which he was discharged on July 25, 1943. Curiously, it happened that Brigadier General Makray recognized him in Sztarij Oszkol, and immediately he took care of his discharge. My father was deported by the Germans on December 4, 1944. I have nothing further to declare. This is an accurate record of my statement.

This was recorded at 11:30 AM.

Gyorgy Takacs

Aranka Balazs Dr. Luib

Court recorder Asst. District Attorney

Original typed 1 page court record with the hand-written signatures of the persons involved. – Bm. Archive; V-129 605. Nb.99/45.

----------

(22)

May 23 – June 12, 1942

(March, 1945*)

l) This is the incriminating testimony at the office of the District Attorney of Budapest against Lipot Muray and his co-criminals.

COURT RECORD

That was recorded on ---* o’clock pertaining to the case of Lipot Muray and his cohorts. Present were:

Dr. Ferenc Szabo, District Attorney

Dr. Akos Luib, Asst. District Attorney

Dr. Janos Beer, Witness

* At the room on the date , hour and minute nothing was shown.

APPENDIX

CHRONOLOGY

Chronology - Antal Linhardt – 401 Penal Labor Brigade

Kispest, Hungary, 23 April 1942
Antal LINHARDT called up with a standard military draft notice.

Tapiosuly, Hungary, 25 April 1942

After presenting himself at the induction center, LINHARDT is put into the 401 Numbered Special Penal Company and put in a camp at Tapiosuly just outside Budapest.

Tapiosuly, 3 May 1942
LINHARDT is loaded into cattle wagons with other “political unreliables” & shipped to Russian Front. Lipot MURAY ignores discharge orders for a group of 19 prominent political opponents.

Archankelszka, Ukraine, September 1942

401 Labor-Service men told to write home for care packages. Most of the packages were sent but never received probably confiscated by the guards.

Field Hospital, Russian Front, December 1942
LINHARDT, delirious and covered with sores, is taken from Archankelszka to a (Hungarian?) field hospital at the Front.

Kispest, January 1943
Mrs. Antal LINHARDT receives the last yellow postcard from her husband.

Archangelszka, Ukraine, 12 January 1943
The Soviet offensive at Voronezh annihilates the 2nd Hungarian Army. Antal LINHARDT disappears. According to Istvan Kossa, LINHARDT was not among the Hungarian POWs taken by Russians, but had been hospitalized.

Davidovka Hospital, 1943
Hungarian Communists in exile (the “Moscovites”: Milhaly Farkas, Erno Gero, Bela Illes and Zoltan Vas) arrange for Communist and Socialist Hungarian POWs to be transferred to Davidovka Hospital (Ukraine?) at the Front.

Moscow, 1943-1944
Moscovites broadcast reports on the conditions of specific Hungarian by Radio-Kussoth in Moscow. The LINHARDT family in Budapest hears rumors that LINHARDT was making speeches from Moscow on Radio Kossuth.

Budapest, Fall 1944 [unconfirmed]
Pesti Ujsag, official newpaper of the Hungarian (Nyilas Keresztes/Arrow Cross) Nazi Party reports Kossuth-Radio broadcasting that LINHARDT was made head of The Hungarian Deliberation Committee in Moscow.

September 1944
USSR invades Hungary.

Debrecen, December 1944

LINHARDT is rumored to be in Debrecen involved in the formation of the new government. Later, LINHARDT’s widow comes to believe that he was eliminated by the NKVD (the Russian Secret Police which later became the KGB) for opposing the merging of the Communist and Social Democrat Parties.

Debrecen, December 6, 1944

Soviet General Molotov, in the name of the Allies, presents a list of ministers of the alternative government. LINHARDT is not on the list.

Debrecen, 21 December 1944
An alternative government is formed in Debrecen.

Debrecen, January 8, 1945
The Hungarian National Provisional Government is formed.

Budapest, Jan-April 1945
Lipot Muray and cohorts tried and hung.

Budapest, 1945
Kossa refuses to provide additional information to LINHARDT’s widow and children, but confirms that LINHARDT was taken to a field hospital at the Front. It is unclear whether he meant a Hungarian (Axis) or Soviet Hospital.

1946
LINHARDT is declared dead, a martyr of the Hungarian Resistance.

Budapest, 1948
Kossa publishes his memoirs on his experiences a member of the group of list 19 political prisoners in the 401 Penal Brigade. Kossa’s account is critical of LINHARDT.

1950
LINHARDT’s widow’s pension is canceled. LINHARDT considered a traitor of the labor movement.

Budapest, 1990s
After the fall of communism, Mrs. LINHARDT succeeds in getting her minister’s widow’s pension restored. In recognition that Antal LINHARDT died in the service of his country.

Kispest, June 11, 1999
The Mayor of Kispest officially honors LINHARDT as a citizen of Kispest.

The Moscovites

Professor Randolf L. Braham's book "The Hungarian Labor Service System 1938-1945" p.80 (Eastern European Quarterly, 1977) describes circumstances which support the rumors that LINHARDT was taken to Moscow.

"Many of those who ended up in Soviet POW camps were helped by leaders of the Hungarian Communist Party and their sympathizers in exile in the Soviet Union.  Foremost among these leaders, who subsequently played a leading role in the postwar evolution of Hungary, were Mihaly Farkas, Erno Gero, Bela Illes, and Zoltan Vas.  Partially through their intervention, many of the emaciated labor servicemen were saved from almost certain death by being placed in the Davidovka Hospital where they were treated³.  It was also through the good offices of the Hungarian exiles in the Soviet Union that Kossuth-Radio, the Hungarian-language broadcasts from Moscow, periodically reported the condition of individual labor servicemen in POW camps."

³ Levai, Fekete konyu, p. 273.  See also Peter Gosztony, "Die ungarische antifaschistische Bewegung in der Sowjetunion des Zweiten Weltkrieges" (The Hungarian Anti-Fascist Movement in the Soviet Union of World War II) Militargeschichtliche Mitteilungen, Freiburg, No1, 1972, pp.85-107

From Tapiosuly to Archangelska

Brief description of content

Archankelszka, Ukraine, September 1942